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Voting, Elections, Democracy, Republicanism, and the Electoral College

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Voting, Elections, Democracy, Republicanism, and the Electoral College

Voting and Democracy

Voting is Not a Right

The Founding Fathers Abhorred Tyranny and Populism

Governments Regulate the Election Environment, Thereby Limiting Both Voters and Voters’ Choices

The Electoral College Elects the President.

The Electoral College should be Abolished.

Disadvantages of the Electoral College

Better Voting Systems

A Better Democracy

Most People Shouldn’t Vote!

Knowledgeable People Should Vote on the Issues

The Internet Can Enhance Elections Immeasurably

Conclusion

References

The Electoral College

Key Electoral College Dates and Events

A PROCEDURAL GUIDE TO THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE

The Electoral College in Brief

The States

NARA and Office of the Federal Register Procedures

Prior to the General Election

After the General Election

Receipt of Certificates of Ascertainment

Receipt of Certificates of Vote

Certificates of Ascertainment Transmitted to Congress

Certificates of Vote Subject to the Call of the President of the Senate

The Congress

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION LAWS

Provisions of the Constitution and United States Code relating to Presidential Elections

THE CONSTITUTION

Article II

Twelfth Amendment

Fourteenth Amendment

Fifteenth Amendment

Nineteenth Amendment

Twentieth Amendment

Twenty-Second Amendment

Twenty-Third Amendment

Twenty-Fourth Amendment

Twenty-Fifth Amendment

Twenty-Sixth Amendment

UNITED STATES CODE

TITLE 3 THE PRESIDENT

Chapter 1. Presidential Elections and Vacancies

Time of appointing electors

Failure to make choice on prescribed day

Number of electors

Vacancies in electoral college

Determination of controversy as to appointment of electors

Credentials of electors; transmission to archivist of the united states and to congress; public inspection

Meeting and vote of electors

Manner of voting

Certificates of votes for president and vice president

Sealing and endorsing certificates

Disposition of certificates

Failure of certificates of electors to reach president of the senate or archivist of the united states; demand on state for certificate

Same; demand on district judge for certificate

Forfeiture for messenger's neglect of duty

Counting electoral votes in congress

Same; seats for officers and members of two houses in joint meeting

Same; limit of debate in each house

Same; parliamentary procedure at joint meeting

Vacancy in offices of both president and vice president; officers eligible to act

Resignation or refusal of office

Definitions

List of Electors Bound by State Law and Pledges To Political Parties; Number of Electors Per State

Electors in these States are not bound by State Law or by pledges to political parties to cast their vote for a specific candidate:

Electors in these States are bound by State Law or by pledges to political parties to cast their vote for a specific candidate:

The Electoral College and the National Archives and Records Administration

Federalist No. 68 - The Mode of Electing the President

News


Voting and Democracy

Some people believe that the United States of America is a democracy. They believe this because they think that they have the right to vote. However, today, many of these people are wondering how it is possible that, even though Al Gore has won the popular vote, George W. Bush will become President of the United States. People often hear about the Electoral College, and are perplexed by it. Why does it exist? This perplexity is easy to understand. After all, people take time out of their lives to vote. They believe it is their right and duty. This is taught in every school. So how is it that it is actually the Electoral College that chooses the President and Vice-President of the United States?

Suffrage, the right to vote, is like a mirage. You can see something, it looks like suffrage, but when you move closer to examine it, it disappears.

Voting is Not a Right

We have been told over the years, by politicians no less, that voting is our duty, but what is most peculiar is that voting is not our right! The United States Constitution and its Amendments does not explicitly give people the right to vote at all! The original Constitution only allowed the people to vote for the House of Representatives.

“The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature.” — Article I, Section 2, U.S. Constitution

Of course, this part of the Constitution, given a reasonable construction, gives someone the right to vote. But because the people in each state needed the qualifications that were determined by that state to vote, suffrage, unlike rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights, was not extended to everyone. Even the amendments that have extended the “right to vote” to blacks, women, and young adults, merely state that their “right” cannot be denied or abridged because of race, sex, or of any age 18 or older. However, nowhere in the Constitution does it say that the right to vote cannot be denied, as long as it applies to everyone 18 or older. Of course, no politician or government would dare try to eliminate voting, for it is too deeply ingrained in our custom, but it is clear that voting, unlike free speech, is largely controlled, and thereby limited, by the state and federal governments. In fact, the most powerful people in our government are not even elected by the people! Why?

The Founding Fathers Abhorred Tyranny and Populism

Coming from countries ruled by monarchies that had no regard for the people, the founding fathers wanted to make sure that such tyranny could never become established in the United States—thus, the separation of government powers with its legislative, executive, and judicial branches, and limited terms of service and the constant need for re-election—all at the expense of efficiency and effectiveness. In fact, the founding fathers constructed our government with regard to preventing even the smallest possibility of tyranny. However, the founding fathers also didn’t want populism. They didn’t think the general population had enough intelligence and information to wisely select their government leaders, and thought that they could be misled by, as Alexander Hamilton said, “low intrigue, and the little arts of popularity.” (No doubt Alexander Hamilton would look upon today’s political TV advertising with its sound bites and management by media consultants as the very thing he feared!)

Like all governments, the colonies were jealous of their power. The original colonies didn’t want to share power with a federal government, making it difficult for the Federalists to create a strong, central government. The Federalists finally convinced the colonies of the need for a central government that was stronger than the previous Confederation, and overcame their resistance by allaying their fear of possible tyranny by providing numerous checks and balances in the federal government, and by granting the states sweeping powers in the election of its chief officers. Thus, the Constitution gave the states the right to decide who could vote for the House of Representatives—they decided that only white men with property could vote. The state legislatures chose the Senators for their respective states. It was only in 1913, that the 17th amendment allowed the people to elect the Senators, with electors needing the same “qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature,” which at that time, meant the electors had to be male. Moreover, the state legislatures chose the electors in the Electoral College, who would then, chose the President and Vice-President of the United States. Nor were the people permitted to elect the members of the Supreme Court, an office that many believe is the most powerful office of all. Thus, the founding fathers constructed a government, through the Constitution, that purported to represent the people, but most people, nonetheless, had no say whatsoever in the new federal government.

Some voting regulations are necessary and desirable. Voters should certainly be United States citizens, and be old enough to understand voting and the issues, but many regulations were unreasonable, preventing most people from voting. Voting has since become more democratic. It took several amendments to the Constitution to extend the vote to most adult citizens. The 15th amendment, adopted 1870, declared that the right to vote in state and federal elections could not be denied because of race, color, or previous servitude. The 19th amendment, adopted 1920, extended suffrage to women, and the 26th amendment, adopted 1971, extended suffrage to everyone 18 years old or older. The 23rd amendment allowed the District of Columbia to appoint electors to the Electoral College, which elects the President. This amendment was necessary because the Constitution specified that only states could select electors. The 24th amendment eliminated taxation as a means to prevent people, particularly the poor and blacks, from voting.

Of course, if voting were a “right,” none of these amendments would have been necessary.

Governments Regulate the Election Environment, Thereby Limiting Both Voters and Voters’ Choices

Although most adults can now vote, the “right to vote” is still more restricted than necessary. The governments control the details of the elections, who may qualify as a candidate, and who may vote in what election. While some control is necessary, much of it is unreasonable.

The Constitution and various laws determine which officeholders are elected. The most powerful federal offices are the Presidency, the Supreme Court, the Senate, and the House of Representatives. Of these, the Constitution only allowed the people to elect candidates to the least powerful of these offices, the House of Representatives. Even the allowance to elect House members can be and is manipulated by the states, by drawing the Congressional districts, sometimes in bizarre shapes in a process known as gerrymandering, to favor one political party over another. It took the 17th amendment, passed in 1913, to allow the popular election of Senators. The people still can’t elect the President or the justices of the Supreme Court—the most powerful offices in the federal government.

Voting is further restricted to the candidates. While people can vote for anyone, only candidates have any real chance of winning. The foremost factor in limiting candidates is wealth, especially if the candidate is running against an incumbent in Congress. Members of Congress have extensive staffs, supported by taxpayer dollars, which help them get re-elected, by doing research, public relations, and helping constituents with problems. Congressional members also have the franking privilege, giving them free postage to mail out newsletters and advertisements to their constituency. Congress passed laws that made it easy for them to be re-elected, and this is why incumbents win the vast majority of time.

If a candidate runs for President, it helps considerably if the candidate is either Republican or Democratic, because they are entitled to public financing. A third party can get some public funding only if the candidate wins 5% or more of the vote, and they can only get that money after the election is over. Furthermore, Presidential candidates have to run 2 elections, the primaries and the actual Presidential elections. In the past, caucuses, then party conventions, decided who would be candidates, and while the primaries have replaced these undemocratic modes of nominating candidates, primaries increase the need for more money.

Other factors can also restrict voter choice. For instance, third parties have a difficult time getting on the ballot because many signatures must be collected in petitions in a short time well ahead of the election. Many voting booths use levers where whole parties can be selected with one pull. Many voters pull the party levers out of convenience rather than because they actually want all of the candidates. This, of course, makes it difficult for candidates who are not Republican or Democratic, to win.

The Electoral College is a constant reminder that the vote of the people for President of the United States has no legal standing, except insofar as the states allow it, and even then, in most cases, the electors of the Electoral College are free to choose whomever they want, even people who are not on the ballot! While some states do provide penalties for electors who do not vote as pledged, the penalties are minor, their vote is not invalidated, and requiring electors to vote for a certain candidate is clearly unconstitutional, since it was clearly the intention of the founding fathers that the electors be free to investigate and choose the best candidates for President and Vice-President (Federalist Paper No. 68, The Mode of Electing the President). Of course, some have argued that maybe there is a legal basis for forcing electors to choose a particular candidate (U.S. Constitution, Article II with Annotations), but then why have electors or ballots? The only reasonable construction for electors and ballots in the Electoral College is that they be free to choose the President and Vice-President.

The Electoral College Elects the President.

The most archaic element of our voting system today is the Electoral College. It could be argued that one reason the Electoral College was set up was that it was difficult for the people to learn about Presidential candidates, since they could live in any part of the country. Most of the news in early America was local. There were no national news organizations, and no means of communication other than by mail and by travelers. So, for example, it would have been difficult for people in Georgia to learn about a candidate from Massachusetts. While this argument seems plausible, it was also true that the founding fathers just didn’t trust the judgment of most men, otherwise they would have provided for the direct popular vote of the Senate, where learning about the candidates would have been much less of a problem, since Senatorial candidates had to live in the state that they hoped to represent.

I think a bigger reason the founders established the Electoral College was because the Federalists wanted to sell Federalism to the states, who were obviously reluctant to share their power with a federal government, so the founders gave the states the power to select the electors that elect the President. In addition, by giving even the least populous states a minimum of 3 votes, this would give the smaller states a more proportional influence, which likewise helped to sell the idea to the states. However, the drafters of the Constitution didn’t allow the state legislatures to vote for President because they feared that the President, because of his desire for re-election, would be beholden to the state legislatures and would lack independence, and so by creating a college of temporary electors, the electorate’s independence could be maintained, and the President wouldn’t be able to influence the electors for re-election, because he would have no way of knowing who they were beforehand. Alexander Hamilton argued, in Federalist Number 68, that learned men should elect the President, because they would be most informed and could investigate the candidates for the Presidency. These men constituted the Electoral College. These electors were chosen by however the state legislatures decided, and the number of each state’s electors was equal to the number of Senators and House members representing that state. The electors cast their vote in their respective state capitals, and the votes were read to Congress in early January.

The numerous court battles that were waged by the Bush and Gore campaigns to determine the winner of Florida’s 25 electoral votes had created an uncertainty as to whether the court cases would be resolved in time to select Florida’s electors to the Electoral College, which had to be done by December 12 to prevent any challenges by Congress. Thus, the Florida legislature prepared to convene a special session to select the electors themselves. Because the Florida legislature is mostly Republican in both houses, they would most certainly select electors for Governor Bush. This caused a furor in much of the state, because people felt it was their right to elect the President, and the state legislature was trying to take it away. However, the fact is, the people never had the right to elect the President! Only the Electoral College can elect the President. Nor did people ever have the right to select the electors to the Electoral College. The U.S. Constitution clearly says that only the state legislatures have that right.

“Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.” — Article II, Section 1, U.S. Constitution

Of course, the states have passed laws that select the electors according to the popular vote, but that is a privilege—not a right—that the states have extended to the people, a privilege that they can revoke anytime. Even so, nearly half of the voters are disfranchised in the 48 states that award all of the electoral votes to the winner of that state. If the states selected electors proportionally to the vote, as they should if they want every vote to count—a Gorean chant repeated over and over again by Gore and his supporters—the mess in Florida could have been prevented entirely. Gore would win.

The Electoral College should be Abolished.

The obvious solution to make every vote count is to simply abolish the Electoral College, and let the people elect the President directly. The original arguments for the college are no longer pertinent. With the two-party system that exists today, where the voters really only have two choices for President that have any chance of winning, and in a country where almost everyone has some education and much news about all of the candidates, there is no need for a special educated electorate. The system rarely worked this way, anyway. With the development of the party system in the early 1800s, the states were selecting electors according to party affiliation, not because of their education. Since, in the early days, party caucuses selected the candidates, it was only reasonable that they followed through with their choice by selecting electors pledged to their candidate. Nowadays, the electors are pledged to a specific candidate according to the popular vote with winner-take-all in 48 states and the District of Columbia.

Disadvantages of the Electoral College

1. Candidates give big states much greater consideration than smaller states. Although the electoral vote per person is highest in the smallest states (because no state, no matter how sparsely populated, has less than 2 Senators and 1 House member, and therefore is entitled to 3 electoral votes), the winner-takes-all-electoral-votes system emplaced in every state except Nebraska and Maine, nullifies any advantage this may have had in the past, and forces candidates to concentrate on the largest states, catering to their desires.

2. A candidate can win the Electoral College vote while losing the popular vote, as has happened with John Quincy Adams in 1824, Rutherford B. Hayes in 1876, and Benjamin Harrison in 1888, and in Election 2000, with Gore winning the popular vote, but Bush winning the Electoral College votes, and therefore the Presidency.

3. The electors are free to choose anyone for President and Vice-President, including people who are not even on the ballot. Although there have been only 12 “unfaithful” electors in American history, the current election can tempt some electors to switch their votes from Gore to Bush or vice versa. A possible scenario: With Florida, Bush has 271 electoral votes to Gore’s 267, and since 270 votes are needed to win the Presidency, Bush should become President, even though Gore won the popular vote. But suppose when the electors actually cast their vote, 3 of the electors, hoping for a place in history, or because they are disgruntled by the way Bush won, switched their votes to Gore. Then Al Gore would be elected President rather than Bush whom everyone was expecting. While this may not be a bad result since Gore did win the popular vote, this, nonetheless, points out a glaring defect in the Electoral College, in that the electors are free to choose whomever they please, not the people. Furthermore, because millions of dollars are released to the winning candidate for the transition to office almost immediately after the election, much of that money would be wasted if the Electoral College decided to choose someone else for President, since they actually cast their vote in December, a month and a half after the election.

4. A third party has virtually no chance of winning the Presidency. For instance, in 1992, Ross Perot won 19% of the popular vote against Bill Clinton and George Bush, but no electoral votes.

So why has the Electoral College lasted for so many years? Since the Electoral College was established by the Constitution, it will take a constitutional amendment to change it. That means 2/3 of the Senate and the House must vote for it, then it must be ratified by ¾ of the states. A proposed constitutional amendment for the direct election of the President failed to pass the Senate in 1970 and 1979. Even if Congress does pass it, large states will probably oppose it because the college gives them a greater importance than they would otherwise have with their winner-take-all awarding of electoral votes. Ironically, the least populous states would probably oppose it because the Electoral College gives them a greater than proportional influence.

Better Voting Systems

Voting would be a better means to democracy or republicanism, if the system itself were better. Many people in the hotly contested presidential race in Florida are complaining that their vote was not counted, or that, because of the confusing layout of the butterfly ballots, they voted for Pat Buchanan instead of Al Gore, or they realized their mistake and selected Al Gore on the same ballot instead of getting a new ballot, thereby casting a vote for Buchanan and Gore for President. Ballots with 2 or more candidates selected for President are automatically disqualified. Al Gore is also contending that many votes were not counted, because no vote was cast for President on many of the ballots. This may have resulted because these voters didn’t want to vote for any candidate for President, or the ballots were dimpled instead of punched through, causing the machines not to read the vote. There was much argument about whether dimpled ballots should be counted, and if so, what standard should be used to read voter intent? If most of the ballots in Florida and the rest of the United States were counted using only machines, is it fair to give some of the mostly Democratic southern counties in Florida a more intense scrutiny—in effect, applying a different standard in counting the votes?

Why Florida is using 1960’s technology for vote counting is baffling, but it is this very technology that is causing most of the problems in Florida. An interactive electronic system would eliminate virtually every problem Florida is experiencing today. If an interactive system couldn’t read a vote, it would alert the voter right away, while he was still there, in real time. If the voter selected two candidates for the same office, such as happened with at least 19,000 votes in southern Florida where the voter selected two candidates for President, thereby disqualifying her vote, an interactive system would alert the voter right away, or better yet, not even allow more than one vote for each office. Furthermore, the ballot layout can be plain and clear, since there would be no need to try to fit all of the candidates onto a few sheets of paper. Indeed, voters could have greater control over the layout, such as the ability to enlarge the fonts on the ballot, if they couldn’t see it clearly enough. There would be no need to read dimples, and there would be no need, ever, for a recount. And many people would be able to vote from home, on the Internet, which would encourage more people to vote, and shorten the lines at public voting kiosks for those people who don’t have Internet access at home. Digital signatures could even eliminate the need to register, which is another major deterrent to voting.

This whole system would be much cheaper than the present system, at least in the long run, since there would be no need to read, handle, store, or transport ballots. Everything would be stored electronically. Indeed, the amount of money being spent recounting the votes by hand, and waging court battles in Florida and the United States Supreme Court to determine the outcome for President could easily pay for an interactive, electronic voting system in Florida.

Some people have expressed concern about the digital divide. They fear that online voting will only increase it. That Internet voting systems will benefit some and hinder others is no argument against it. While some argue that blacks and poor people who don’t have computers will be less likely to vote in an electronic system, there is nothing to prevent them from going to public electronic voting polls just as they do today with the present technology. Additionally, if people are not comfortable with technology, mail-in ballots can also be used, which Oregon made good use of in Election 2000. 75% of the voters in Thurston County, Washington voted by using mail-in ballots in the last 3 elections.

While many people argue that there are many problems with electronic voting, particularly security, none of these problems are insurmountable, and most problems will be solved permanently as electronic voting is used more and more in the future—an inevitability. If shopping, banking, and trading stocks online are doable, certainly voting is, also. Electronic voting can and will work. For a complete report, including many details about electronic voting, by the California Internet Voting Task Force, see http://www.ss.ca.gov/executive/ivote/. Thurston County, Washington has recently conducted an online voting trial. For the complete report, including sample electronic forms, see http://www.co.thurston.wa.us/auditor1/. The vast majority of voters in Thurston County who used online voting liked it better than the older methods. Electronic voting is going to happen. There are simply too many advantages to it over the old systems. An electronic voting system could have entirely negated the need for recounts and legal maneuvers in Florida’s Election 2000.

A Better Democracy


Most People Shouldn’t Vote!

Not vote? It sounds un-American. During every election, people are urged to vote. The importance of voting is taught in every school. Some European countries even require it by law. But people should not vote if they don’t know what the issues are, or if they don’t know anything about all of the candidates running for that office; otherwise how can one vote intelligently? Unintelligent voting is worse than not voting at all! Unfortunately, most voters are ignorant of both the candidates and the issues, and thus, television advertising, with its sound bites, billboard presentation of the issues, and personal attacks, in many cases, determines the outcome of the election. Certainly, this is no way to elect the best candidate. Increasingly, tax dollars finance a large part of this very expensive form of advertising. Public financing of elections usually benefits only Democrats or Republicans, further restricting voter choice.

Governments should end public financing of elections, and support voting websites, such as Project Vote Smart, that enable people to vote intelligently. These voting sites can be supported in proportion to their popularity. If more people use a particular site, then that site should receive more funds, since it is serving more of the people, and presumably doing a better job. Doing it this way would promote competition among the various sites to serve the public more effectively, and would eliminate any government control over the process.

Knowledgeable People Should Vote on the Issues

Many candidates elected to office believe they have a mandate. They believe this because they were campaigning about specific issues, and because they were elected to office, they therefore conclude that the people were approving the candidate’s stand on the issues. This is true many times, but how can the candidates really know what the people want? Most people are mainly concerned with one thing or only a few things at most. One voter may believe that Americans have the right to bear arms, and will support a candidate, let’s call him Candidate Gun, that supports that position, and maybe that’s the only thing he cares about. Another person might vote for his opponent because he believes in gun control. Maybe the opponent hasn’t taken a stand on gun control, but maybe the voter feels strongly enough about gun control that voting for Candidate Gun’s opponent will lessen the probability that Candidate Gun will be elected to office. Another voter might vote for Candidate Gun because he is against abortion. Another voter may vote for Candidate Gun simply because he is Republican or maybe because he is not a Democrat. Another voter may know nothing at all about Candidate Gun, but selected him because the voter, confused by all of the issues and candidates and not having enough time to really learn about either, pulled the Republican party lever. That is one of the main functions of parties, isn’t it? To provide a uniform platform, to keep the choices simple, so that people can select Democrat or Republican.

The solution is to have the people vote on the issues as well as the candidates, not necessarily as a referendum, such as they have in California, but as a way to obtain a clearer picture of what the people actually want. Electronic voting, particularly Internet voting, could make polling on the issues easier, and it could be done more frequently. Do Americans really support abortion or not? Have the people vote directly on the issue for a clear answer. Indeed, while many people are not very enthusiastic about the candidates, which is one of the causes of low voter turnout, they may very well be more passionate about the issues, and allowing them to vote on the issues directly may motivate more people to vote. While society is too complex today to have people participate directly in government, as a true democracy is usually defined, it is certainly possible to poll the people from time to time about general issues and directions that the government should be taking. Indeed, people should vote directly on all constitutional amendments. Why let such an important vote to the states? The states merely represent the people, or so it is supposed, and this representation is imperfect at best, and at worst, diametrical. Such a flagrant flaw can be removed by having the people vote directly on constitutional amendments, and thus allow a truly democratic participation in a truly important foundation of our government. The Electoral College is a good example of a diametric representation of the people. The states oppose eliminating the Electoral College, because it gives them greater power than if the people elected the President directly. The states wouldn’t be able to play games that allow, for instance, the winning Presidential candidate to take all of the electoral votes of that state, even if the candidate won by only one vote, thereby disfranchising half of that state’s voters. A candidate wouldn’t become President by winning the Electoral College while losing the popular vote as Bush just did. It’s a safe bet that the people would vote to eliminate this archaic institution in an instant, if they were permitted to do so. This can move society closer to a true democracy than it has ever been.

The Internet Can Enhance Elections Immeasurably

The Internet can be far more than just an effective voting system. It can be a complete reference to the whole process of voting, where one or more websites can offer people complete information about anything they need to know to vote intelligently. Information is both necessary and sufficient to vote intelligently. Nowadays, the main avenue of information for voters is news and advertisements. News is fragmentary and incomplete, because there are space limitations in most news media and because the purpose of news is to inform about current happenings that would interest the public in an entertaining way, eliminating important details. It is difficult to follow an extended event because virtually every news article about the event would have to be read as it happened. This fragmentation also makes it difficult to find specific information because the information is spread over many articles published at various times. Advertisements are a bad way to get information, because they are biased, brief, narrow, and costly. An expensive system benefits wealthier, but not necessarily more qualified, candidates. A voting website can have all the information any voter would need in one place, in a format that allows finding specific information, and comparing candidates and issues much easier, and such a distribution of information would be free to the candidates, because the cost of publishing and distribution is virtually zero, and because the voting websites would compete amongst themselves to be the most complete repository of information.

While most candidates today do have websites, many people, especially those who are not technically inclined, have difficulty finding the numerous sites, especially when there are many candidates to consider. Having one or more voting sites, with complete information and easy navigation within the site, and an easy URL to remember will make finding information faster and easier.

Voting can only be as good as the list of candidates. The number of candidates obviously has to be limited, so that voters are not overwhelmed, but unfortunately, the main limiting factors are money and party affiliation. What these factors have in common is that neither has anything to do with how well the candidate will be able to perform his duties in office. When a business looks at job applicants, it considers the applicants’ experience and education, and the business may even test applicants for skills pertinent to the job. Shouldn’t we be doing the same thing with political candidates? Why not develop standardized tests for each political office that would best test the candidates’ understanding of that office, and their ability to perform the duties of that office? Voting websites could present the results of such tests in a format allowing easy comparison by voters. Complete backgrounds on each of the candidates can be added, to assess more general qualities, such as experience, education, and personal attributes. A voting website could have a database of news article links for more independent information. A popular voting site could design a standardized test for each office, and offer it to the candidates, with the results—including if they refused the test—posted on the site. This would motivate the candidates to really learn about the office and its duties, and maybe even develop the necessary skills required by that office. Certainly, this would be a better criterion to judge candidates than the current system, where many voters just pull the party lever, or vote the way their parents did. It would help to elect candidates who are actually competent, and who may even have new ideas beyond maintaining the status quo, thus, helping to eliminate a mediocracy.

A voting website could also have tutorials on every issue, including dissenting opinions, possibly by the candidates themselves. Pertinent experts should write these tutorials in language comprehensible to most people. Various experts can also comment about various candidate strategies, pointing out flagrant flaws or advantages. This would help to prevent candidates espousing solutions that may have voter appeal, but aren’t realistic or effective, and it would help voters to realize that many popular solutions are not the best solutions, or even realistic ones.

Project Vote Smart, at http://www.vote-smart.org/, is a voting website that, although it doesn’t have all of the advantages listed above, simplifies intelligent voting significantly. For instance, enter your 9-digit zip code into its search engine and get a list of all of the state and federal candidates that you can vote for. This site also has a database of the candidates with their views on particular subjects, making it easy to compare one candidate with another, and a searchable database of public statements made by the candidates. Although this site is limited now—it doesn’t include local elections, for instance—it is easy to see how such a site can grow to the point, where virtually every candidate will want to use it.

Conclusion

A better democracy can be achieved in several ways.

1. Institute electronic voting.

2. Support voting websites that can educate the electorate about the candidates and the issues more effectively than any other medium.

3. Allow the people to vote for the most important offices directly, including the Presidency, the Vice-Presidency, and the justices of the Supreme Court. There is no good reason to have an electoral college today. The reasons for its existence have been negated long ago. People should elect the President directly as they should the Vice-Presidency for the obvious reason that he may one day be President. Presidents often choose their Vice-Presidents as lesser people of themselves, at least in their own minds, because they don’t want the Vice-President outshining them, and they want them to be agreeable to their policies. However, it’s not in the people’s interest to have a Vice-President that is less competent than the President, and it certainly wouldn’t hurt if the Vice-President were more independent, so that the President can consider different views, even if those views are repugnant to him. The Supreme Court justices are extremely powerful people, so why let the President pick them? The justices should have a long term, but not for life. Although the courts can check the power of the executive and legislative branches of the government, there is no real check on the power of the Supreme Court. Forcing them to run for re-election would help to make them more responsive to the people.

4. Allow the people to vote on the issues, giving elected officials a clear mandate.

5. No government or agency should ever be secret, unless it is necessary. There is no way for the people to judge the government unless they can know what the government is doing. This should be a constitutional amendment, so that no government can pass laws to frustrate the attempts of the people to know what the government is doing.

6. The people should vote on constitutional amendments directly, and there should be a straightforward method of putting amendments on the ballot, rather than letting Congress and special interests decide. A good possibility is having an official website that allows anyone to put up a possible amendment, and have the people with a digital signature, to avoid fraud, vote for the best ones. Possible amendments that have a specified minimum of votes would be put on the ballot. Because constitutional amendments are so fundamental to our government, I believe this is one of the best ways that true democracy can be practiced, in spite of the complexity of issues and governments today.

Finally, government sovereignty should be eliminated. With central databases containing information on every citizen, and electronic money soon coming, allowing the government to gain more information about everyone in the country in unprecedented detail by examining their financial transactions, the government will be more powerful than ever. Do we really want such a government to be sovereign? The government serves the people—not otherwise. In direct contrast to the opinions of our courts, it is the people who are sovereign, not the governments. The governments are merely corporations that should serve the needs of the people. And like business corporations, their organization and activities should serve the people best at the least cost. The government should never be permitted to limit the liberty or put undue burdens on the people, unless the government can show that such an infringement or burden would benefit the people more than it would hurt them.

Government by the people, for the people, to the people. Amen.

References

1) U.S. Constitution, Article II with Annotations


From the Home Page of the Electoral College


The Electoral College


Key Electoral College Dates and Events

  • November 7, 2000 - General Election: The voters in each State choose electors to serve in the Electoral College. As soon as election results are final, the States prepare seven "Certificates of Ascertainment" of the electors chosen, and send one original along with two certified copies to the Archivist of the United States.
  • December 18, 2000 - Meeting of Electors: The electors in each State meet to select the President and Vice President of the United States. The electors record their votes on six "Certificates of Vote," which are paired with the six remaining original "Certificates of Ascertainment." The electors sign, seal and certify the packages of electoral votes and immediately send them to the President of the Senate, the Archivist of the United States and other designated Federal and State officials.
  • December 27, 2000 - Deadline for Receipt of Electoral Votes: The President of the Senate, the Archivist of the United States, and other designated Federal and State officials must have the electoral votes in hand.
  • January 6, 2001 - Counting Electoral Votes in Congress: The Congress meets in joint session to count the electoral votes (unless Congress passes a law to change the date).


A PROCEDURAL GUIDE TO THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE

prepared by
The Office of the Federal Register


The Electoral College in Brief

The Electoral College was established by the founding fathers as a compromise between election of the president by Congress and election by popular vote. The electors are a popularly elected body chosen by the States and the District of Columbia on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November (November 7, 2000). The Electoral College consists of 538 electors (one for each of 435 members of the House of Representatives and 100 Senators; and 3 for the District of Columbia by virtue of the 23rd Amendment). Each State's allotment of electors is equal to the number of House members to which it is entitled plus two Senators. The decennial census is used to reapportion the number of electors allocated among the States.

The slates of electors are generally chosen by the political parties. State laws vary on the appointment of electors. The States prepare a list of the slate of electors for the candidate who receives the most popular votes on a Certificate of Ascertainment. The Governor of each State prepares seven original Certificates of Ascertainment. The States send one original, along with two authenticated copies or two additional originals to the Archivist of the United States at the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) by registered mail, which must be received by the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December (December 18, 2000). The Archivist transmits the originals to NARA's Office of the Federal Register (OFR). The OFR forwards one copy to each House of Congress and retains the original.

The electors meet in each State on the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December (December 18, 2000). A majority of 270 electoral votes is required to elect the President and Vice President. No Constitutional provision or Federal law requires electors to vote in accordance with the popular vote in their State.

The electors prepare six original Certificates of Vote and annex a Certificate of Ascertainment to each one. Each Certificate of Vote lists all persons voted for as President and the number of electors voting for each person and separately lists all persons voted for as Vice President and the number of electors voting for each person.

If no presidential candidate wins a majority of electoral votes, the 12th Amendment to the Constitution provides for the presidential election to be decided by the House of Representatives. The House would select the President by majority vote, choosing from the three candidates who received the greatest number of electoral votes. The vote would be taken by State, with each State delegation having one vote. If no Vice Presidential candidate wins a majority of electoral votes, the Senate would select the Vice President by majority vote, with each Senator choosing from the two candidates who received the greatest number of electoral votes.

The States

The United States Constitution and Federal law place certain responsibilities relating to the Presidential election upon State executives and the electors for President and Vice President. Neither the Constitution nor Federal law prescribe the manner in which each State appoints its electors other than directing that they be appointed on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November (November 7, 2000). The Constitution forbids a Senator, Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States from being appointed as an elector.

In most States, the electors are appointed by state-wide popular election. The slate of electors for the candidate who receives the most popular votes is appointed. The slates of electors are generally chosen by the political parties. However, the States' laws vary on the appointment of electors. In Maine and Nebraska, two electors are chosen at-large by state-wide popular vote and the rest are selected by the popular vote in each congressional district. As a result, the electoral procedure in these States permits a split slate of electors to be chosen.

After the general election, the Governor of each State and the Mayor of the District of Columbia prepare a Certificate of Ascertainment of the electors appointed (herein, the term "Governor" includes the Mayor of the District of Columbia). The Certificate of Ascertainment must list the names of the electors appointed and the number of votes received by each. It must also list the names of all other candidates for elector and the number of votes received by each. The Certificate must be signed by the Governor and carry the seal of the State. The format of the Certificate is not dictated by Federal law, but conforms to the law or custom of the submitting State.

The Governor must prepare seven original Certificates of Ascertainment. One original, along with two authenticated copies (or two additional originals) must be sent by registered mail to the Archivist of the United States, National Archives and Records Administration, Washington, DC 20408. The Certificates should be sent as soon as possible after the election, but should definitely be received by the Archivist before the statutory deadline (December 18, 2000). The other six originals must be delivered to the State's electors on or before the day the electors meet.

On the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December (December 18, 2000), the electors meet in their respective States. The State legislature may designate where in the State the meeting will take place. It usually takes place in the State capital, often in the capitol building. At this meeting, the electors vote by ballot for President and Vice President. There must be distinct ballots for President and Vice President. The electors' votes are recorded on a Certificate of Vote. This Certificate must contain a list of all persons voted for as President and the number of electors voting for each. It must also contain a list of persons voted for as Vice President and the number of electors voting for each. The names of candidates receiving no electoral votes do not appear on the Certificate of Vote.

There is no Constitutional provision or Federal law requiring electors to vote in accordance with the popular vote in their States. In the 1976 election, a Washington elector pledged to President Gerald Ford voted for Ronald Reagan. In the 1988 election, a West Virginia elector voted for Senator Lloyd Bentsen as President and for Governor Michael Dukakis as Vice President. But some state laws require electors to cast their votes according to the popular vote and provide that so-called "faithless electors" may be subject to fines or may be disqualified for casting an invalid vote and be replaced by a substitute elector.

The format of the Certificate is not dictated by Federal law, but is determined by the law or custom of each State. Six original Certificates of Vote must be prepared by the electors. Each Certificate must be signed by all of the electors. One of the six Certificates of Ascertainment forwarded to the electors by the Governor must be attached to each of the six Certificates of Vote. Each of the six pairs of Certificates must be sealed and certified by the electors to be the list of votes of that State.

The six pairs of Certificates are distributed as follows:
-- One, by registered mail, to the President of the United States Senate, The Capitol, Washington, DC 20510;
-- Two, by registered mail, to the Archivist of the United States, National Archives and Records Administration, Office of the Federal Register (NF), 700 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW, Washington, DC 20408;
-- Two to the Secretary of State of the State, one of which is held subject to the order of the President of the United States Senate, the other to be preserved by the Secretary for public inspection for one year; and
-- One to the chief judge of the Federal district court of the district in which the electors meet.

Since there is a very short time between the meetings of the electors in the States and the counting of the electoral votes by Congress, and the meetings of electors coincides with the December holiday mail season, it is imperative that these Certificates be delivered as soon as possible. After the Certificates of Ascertainment and Certificates of Vote are delivered to the appropriate persons, the States' functions in the electoral process are completed.

NARA and Office of the Federal Register Procedures

The Archivist of the United States is required by law to perform certain functions relating to the electoral college (3 U.S.C. sections 6, 11, 12, 13). The Archivist has delegated to the Director of the Federal Register the authority to carry out the administration of the electoral college process.

Prior to the General Election

In October of each Presidential election year, the Archivist sends a letter to the Governor of each State and the Mayor of the District of Columbia along with an instruction package prepared by the Office of the Federal Register (OFR) that sets out the States' responsibilities regarding the electoral college. The package also includes a quantity of booklets containing applicable Federal Constitutional and statutory provisions regarding presidential elections to be distributed to each elector.

Also in the month prior to the election, the OFR contacts the Assistant Secretary of the Senate and the House Parliamentarian to make arrangements for the delivery of the electoral college certificates to Congress. And finally, in the month prior to the election, the OFR prepares to receive the electoral college certificates from the States. The OFR makes special arrangements with the Archivist's mailroom staff and messenger service to establish procedures for handling the Certificates and transmitting them from the Archives to the OFR.

After the General Election

During the week following the general election, the OFR calls the Governor's Office in each State and the Mayor's Office in the District of Columbia to make a personal contact with a person responsible for the electoral college process. In some States, the Secretary of State is the official designated to administer the electoral college, but other state officials may be assigned this responsibility according to State law or custom. The OFR confirms that materials mailed in October have arrived and reviews the States' plans for carrying out their responsibilities.

Receipt of Certificates of Ascertainment

Certificates should begin arriving at NARA shortly after the general election held on November 7, 2000. The Archives makes a record of the Certificates of Ascertainment it receives and transmits them to the OFR's Legal Affairs and Policy Staff by special delivery. The OFR logs in a record of the Certificates and checks them for facial legal sufficiency. If there are any problems with a Certificate, an OFR attorney calls the contact person in the State to advise them of the defect. The OFR makes copies of the Certificates of Ascertainment available for public inspection and secures the originals.

Receipt of Certificates of Vote

Certificates of Vote should begin arriving at NARA shortly after the State meetings of the electors held on December 18, 2000. Certificates of Vote are recorded on a log sheet when received at the Archivist's office and at the OFR. Each Certificate is checked for facial legal sufficiency, and if there are any problems with a Certificate, an OFR attorney calls the contact person in that State and the Assistant Secretary of the Senate to inform them of the problems and offer advice as to a solution. After the Certificates of Vote have been determined to be facially sufficient, the OFR makes copies of them available for public inspection and secures the originals.

Certificates of Ascertainment Transmitted to Congress

The OFR prepares cover letters for the Archivist's signature to accompany the Certificates of Ascertainment transmitted to Congress. The OFR hand delivers the Certificates and cover letters to the Vice President's Office in the Senate (the Vice President is the President of the Senate) and the Speaker's Room on the House side of the Capitol and obtains a receipt. If all the Certificates of Ascertainment are received in a timely fashion, they are sent to Congress in one group. However, late arriving Certificates may also be hand delivered separately to Congress so that transmittal of the other Certificates is not delayed.

Certificates of Vote Subject to the Call of the President of the Senate

The OFR holds one of the two original Certificates of Vote subject to the call of the President of the Senate in the event that one or more Certificates fail to reach the Senate in a timely manner. If the Archivist does not receive a Certificate of Vote from a State by a week after the electors meet, the OFR calls that State's contact person to make sure the Certificates were mailed. If the Certificates were not mailed, the OFR advises the State to transmit the Certificates by express mail. If the Certificates were mailed and are overdue in arriving, the OFR calls the Postal Service to request that it trace the package. Finally, if no Certificate of Vote is received from a State by the fourth Wednesday in December after the election, the OFR employs the procedural steps set forth at 3 U.S.C. sections 12 and 13 by securing a duplicate from the Secretary of State of the State or by dispatching a special messenger to obtain the duplicate held by a Federal District judge and hand carrying it to Washington D.C.

Preserving Certificates
After Congress has met in joint session for the official counting of electoral votes, all Certificates of Ascertainment and Certificates of Vote in OFR's files are combined into one file. Each file contains all Certificates from a State, any cover letter accompanying the Certificates, and any envelopes bearing certifications of electors' votes. The files are placed in archival boxes and made available for public inspection at the OFR for one year and then transferred to NARA for permanent retention.

The Congress

House and Senate staff come to the Office of the Federal Register (OFR) to inspect the Certificates of Vote in late December. Because the statutory procedure prescribes that the Certificates of Vote sent to the President of the Senate be held under seal until Congress opens and counts them in joint session, the Congress depends on the OFR to ensure the facial legal sufficiency of Certificates. If any State's Certificate fails to reach the President of the Senate, the President of the Senate calls on OFR to deliver duplicate originals in its possession to complete the set held by Congress. After the 1988 general election, the President of the Senate called for nineteen of the Certificates of Vote held by the OFR. For the 1992 election, the OFR supplied the Congress with two missing Certificates of Vote.

The Congress is scheduled to meet in joint session in the House of Representatives at one o'clock January 6, 2001 (this date is subject to change) to conduct the official tally of electoral votes. The Vice President, as President of the Senate, is the presiding officer. Two tellers are appointed to open, present and record the votes of the States in alphabetical order. The President of the Senate announces the results of the vote and declares which persons, if any, have been elected President and Vice President of the United States. The results are entered into the official journals of the House and Senate. The President of the Senate then calls for objections to be made. If any objections are registered, they must be submitted in writing and be signed by at least one member of the House and Senate. The House and Senate would withdraw to their respective chambers to consider the merits of any objections according the procedure set out under 3 U.S.C. section 15.



PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION LAWS


Provisions of the Constitution and United States Code relating to Presidential Elections

This information has been compiled and published in pamphlet form by the Office of the Federal Register, National Archives and Records Administration, for use by the Executives and Electors of the several States in the performance of their duties in connection with Presidential Elections.

Skip to the United States Code

THE CONSTITUTION


Article II

Section 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows
Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.


The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States.



Twelfth Amendment

The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted;--The person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. . . . The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President to the United States.

Fourteenth Amendment

Section 3. No person shall be . . . elector of President and Vice President . . . who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability.

Fifteenth Amendment

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.



Nineteenth Amendment

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.



Twentieth Amendment

Section 1. The terms of the President and Vice President shall end at noon on the 20th day of January, and the terms of Senators and Representatives at noon on the 3d day of January, of the years in which such terms would have ended if this article had not been ratified; and the terms of their successors shall then begin.

Section 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall begin at noon on the 3d day of January, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

Section 3. If, at the time fixed for the beginning of the term of the President, the President elect shall have died, the Vice President elect shall become President. If a President shall not have been chosen before the time fixed for the beginning of his term, or if the President elect shall have failed to qualify, then the Vice President elect shall act as President until a President shall have qualified; and the Congress may by law provide for the case wherein neither a President elect nor a Vice President elect shall have qualified, declaring who shall then act as President, or the manner in which one who is to act shall be selected, and such person shall act accordingly until a President or Vice President shall have qualified.

Section 4. The Congress may by law provide for the case of the death of any of the persons from whom the House of Representatives may choose a President whenever the right of choice shall have devolved upon them, and for the case of the death of any of the persons from whom the Senate may choose a Vice President whenever the right of choice shall have devolved upon them.



Twenty-Second Amendment

Section 1. No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President, or acted as President, for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of the President more than once. But this Article shall not apply to any person holding the office of President when this Article was proposed by the Congress, and shall not prevent any person who may be holding the office of President, or acting as President, during the term within which this Article becomes operative from holding the office of President or acting as President during the remainder of such term.



Twenty-Third Amendment

Section 1. The District constituting the seat of Government of the United States shall appoint in such manner as the Congress may direct:
A number of electors of President and Vice President equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives in Congress to which the District would be entitled if it were a State, but in no event more than the least populous State; they shall be in addition to those appointed by the States, but they shall be considered, for the purposes of the election of President and Vice President, to be electors appointed by a State; and they shall meet in the District and perform such duties as provided by the twelfth article of amendment.



Twenty-Fourth Amendment

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote in any primary or other election for President or Vice President, for electors for President or Vice President, or for Senator or Representative in Congress, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State by reason of failure to pay any poll tax or other tax.



Twenty-Fifth Amendment

Section 1. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death or resignation, the Vice President shall become President.

Section 2. Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress.

Section 3. Whenever the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, and until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such powers and duties shall be discharged by the Vice President as Acting President.

Section 4. Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.
Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall resume the powers and duties of his office unless the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive department or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit within four days to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office. Thereupon Congress shall decide the issue, assembling within forty-eight hours for that purpose if not in session. If the Congress, within twenty-one days after receipt of the latter written declaration, or, if Congress is not in session, within twenty-one days after Congress is required to assemble, determines by two-thirds vote of both Houses that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue to discharge the same as Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the powers and duties of his office.

Twenty-Sixth Amendment

Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States, who are eighteen years of age or older, to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of age.



UNITED STATES CODE

The following provisions of law governing Presidential Elections are contained in Chapter 1 of Title 3, United States Code (62 Stat. 672, as amended):

TITLE 3 THE PRESIDENT


Chapter 1. Presidential Elections and Vacancies


Time of appointing electors

§ 1. The electors of President and Vice President shall be appointed, in each State, on the Tuesday next after the first Monday in November, in every fourth year succeeding every election of a President and Vice President.

Failure to make choice on prescribed day

§ 2. Whenever any State has held an election for the purpose of choosing electors, and has failed to make a choice on the day prescribed by law, the electors may be appointed on a subsequent day in such a manner as the legislature of such State may direct.

Number of electors

§ 3. The number of electors shall be equal to the number of Senators and Representatives to which the several States are by law entitled at the time when the President and Vice President to be chosen come into office; except, that where no apportionment of Representatives has been made after any enumeration, at the time of choosing electors, the number of electors shall be according to the then existing apportionment of Senators and Representatives.

Vacancies in electoral college

§ 4. Each State may, by law, provide for the filling of any vacancies which may occur in its college of electors when such college meets to give its electoral vote.

Determination of controversy as to appointment of electors

§ 5. If any State shall have provided, by laws enacted prior to the day fixed for the appointment of the electors, for its final determination of any controversy or contest concerning the appointment of all or any of the electors of such State, by judicial or other methods or procedures, and such determination shall have been made at least six days before the time fixed for the meeting of the electors, such determination made pursuant to such law so existing on said day, and made at least six days prior to said time of meeting of the electors, shall be conclusive, and shall govern in the counting of the electoral votes as provided in the Constitution, and as hereinafter regulated, so far as the ascertainment of the electors appointed by such State is concerned.

Credentials of electors; transmission to archivist of the united states and to congress; public inspection

§ 6. It shall be the duty of the executive of each State, as soon as practicable after the conclusion of the appointment of the electors in such State by the final ascertainment, under and in pursuance of the laws of such State providing for such ascertainment, to communicate by registered mail under the seal of the State to the Archivist of the United States a certificate of such ascertainment of the electors appointed, setting forth the names of such electors and the canvass or other ascertainment under the laws of such State of the number of votes given or cast for each person for whose appointment any and all votes have been given or cast; and it shall also thereupon be the duty of the executive of each State to deliver to the electors of such State, on or before the day on which they are required by section 7 of this title to meet, six duplicate-originals of the same certificate under the seal of the State; and if there shall have been any final determination in a State in the manner provided for by law of a controversy or contest concerning the appointment of all or any of the electors of such State, it shall be the duty of the executive of such State, as soon as practicable after such determination, to communicate under the seal of the State to the Archivist of the United States a certificate of such determination in form and manner as the same shall have been made; and the certificate or certificates so received by the Archivist of the United States shall be preserved by him for one year and shall be a part of the public records of his office and shall be open to public inspection; and the Archivist of the United States at the first meeting of Congress thereafter shall transmit to the two Houses of Congress copies in full of each and every such certificate so received at the National Archives and Records Administration.

Meeting and vote of electors

§ 7. The electors of President and Vice President of each State shall meet and give their votes on the first Monday after the second Wednesday in December next following their appointment at such place in each State as the legislature of such State shall direct.

Manner of voting

§ 8. The electors shall vote for President and Vice President, respectively, in the manner directed by the Constitution.

Certificates of votes for president and vice president

§ 9. The electors shall make and sign six certificates of all the votes given by them, each of which certificates shall contain two distinct lists, one of the votes for President and the other of the votes for Vice President, and shall annex to each of the certificates one of the lists of the electors which shall have been furnished to them by direction of the executive of the State.

Sealing and endorsing certificates

§ 10. The electors shall seal up the certificates so made by them, and certify upon each that the lists of all the votes of such State given for President, and of all the votes given for Vice President, are contained therein.

Disposition of certificates

§ 11. The electors shall dispose of the certificates so made by them and the lists attached thereto in the following manner:
First. They shall forthwith forward by registered mail one of the same to the President of the Senate at the seat of government.
Second. Two of the same shall be delivered to the secretary of state of the State, one of which shall be held subject to the order of the President of the Senate, the other to be preserved by him for one year and shall be a part of the public records of his office and shall be open to public inspection.
Third. On the day thereafter they shall forward by registered mail two of such certificates and lists to the Archivist of the United States at the seat of government, one of which shall be held subject to the order of the President of the Senate. The other shall be preserved by the Archivist of the United States for one year and shall be a part of the public records of his office and shall be open to public inspection.
Fourth. They shall forthwith cause the other of the certificates and lists to be delivered to the judge of the district in which the electors shall have assembled.

Failure of certificates of electors to reach president of the senate or archivist of the united states; demand on state for certificate

§ 12. When no certificate of vote and list mentioned in sections 9 and 11 and of this title from any State shall have been received by the President of the Senate or by the Archivist of the United States by the fourth Wednesday in December, after the meeting of the electors shall have been held, the President of the Senate or, if he be absent from the seat of government, the Archivist of the United States shall request, by the most expeditious method available, the secretary of state of the State to send up the certificate and list lodged with him by the electors of such State; and it shall be his duty upon receipt of such request immediately to transmit same by registered mail to the President of the Senate at the seat of government.

Same; demand on district judge for certificate

§ 13. When no certificates of votes from any State shall have been received at the seat of government on the fourth Wednesday in December, after the meeting of the electors shall have been held, the President of the Senate or, if he be absent from the seat of government, the Archivist of the United States shall send a special messenger to the district judge in whose custody one certificate of votes from that State has been lodged, and such judge shall forthwith transmit that list by the hand of such messenger to the seat of government.

Forfeiture for messenger's neglect of duty

§ 14. Every person who, having been appointed, pursuant to section 13 of this title, to deliver the certificates of the votes of the electors to the President of the Senate, and having accepted such appointment, shall neglect to perform the services required from him, shall forfeit the sum of $1,000.

Counting electoral votes in congress

§ 15. Congress shall be in session on the sixth day of January succeeding every meeting of the electors. The Senate and House of Representatives shall meet in the Hall of the House of Representatives at the hour of 1 o'clock in the afternoon on that day, and the President of the Senate shall be their presiding officer. Two tellers shall be previously appointed on the part of the Senate and two on the part of the House of Representatives, to whom shall be handed, as they are opened by the President of the Senate, all the certificates and papers purporting to be certificates of the electoral votes, which certificates and papers shall be opened, presented, and acted upon in the alphabetical order of the States, beginning with the letter A; and said tellers, having then read the same in the presence and hearing of the two Houses, shall make a list of the votes as they shall appear from the said certificates; and the votes having been ascertained and counted according to the rules in this subchapter provided, the result of the same shall be delivered to the President of the Senate, who shall thereupon announce the state of the vote, which announcement shall be deemed a sufficient declaration of the persons, if any, elected President and Vice President of the United States, and, together with a list of the votes, be entered on the Journals of the two Houses. Upon such reading of any such certificate or paper, the President of the Senate shall call for objections, if any. Every objection shall be made in writing, and shall state clearly and concisely, and without argument, the ground thereof, and shall be signed by at least one Senator and one Member of the House of Representatives before the same shall be received. When all objections so made to any vote or paper from a State shall have been received and read, the Senate shall thereupon withdraw, and such objections shall be submitted to the Senate for its decision; and the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall, in like manner, submit such objections to the House of Representatives for its decision; and no electoral vote or votes from any State which shall have been regularly given by electors whose appointment has been lawfully certified to according to section 6 of this title from which but one return has been received shall be rejected, but the two Houses concurrently may reject the vote or votes when they agree that such vote or votes have not been so regularly given by electors whose appointment has been so certified. If more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State shall have been received by the President of the Senate, those votes, and those only, shall be counted which shall have been regularly given by the electors who are shown by the determination mentioned in section 5 of this title to have been appointed, if the determination in said section provided for shall have been made, or by such successors or substitutes, in case of a vacancy in the board of electors so ascertained, as have been appointed to fill such vacancy in the mode provided by the laws of the State; but in case there shall arise the question which of two or more of such State authorities determining what electors have been appointed, as mentioned in section 5 of this title, is the lawful tribunal of such State, the votes regularly given of those electors, and those only, of such State shall be counted whose title as electors the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide is supported by the decision of such State so authorized by its law; and in such case of more than one return or paper purporting to be a return from a State, if there shall have been no such determination of the question in the State aforesaid, then those votes, and those only, shall be counted which the two Houses shall concurrently decide were cast by lawful electors appointed in accordance with the laws of the State, unless the two Houses, acting separately, shall concurrently decide such votes not to be the lawful votes of the legally appointed electors of such State. But if the two Houses shall disagree in respect of the counting of such votes, then, and in that case, the votes of the electors whose appointment shall have been certified by the executive of the State, under the seal thereof, shall be counted. When the two Houses have voted, they shall immediately again meet, and the presiding officer shall then announce the decision of the questions submitted. No votes or papers from any other State shall be acted upon until the objections previously made to the votes or papers from any State shall have been finally disposed of.

Same; seats for officers and members of two houses in joint meeting

§ 16. At such joint meeting of the two Houses seats shall be provided as follows: For the President of the Senate, the Speaker's chair; for the Speaker, immediately upon his left; the Senators, in the body of the Hall upon the right of the presiding officer; for the Representatives, in the body of the Hall not provided for the Senators; for the tellers, Secretary of the Senate, and Clerk of the House of Representatives, at the Clerk's desk; for the other officers of the two Houses, in front of the Clerk's desk and upon each side of the Speaker's platform. Such joint meeting shall not be dissolved until the count of electoral votes shall be completed and the result declared; and no recess shall be taken unless a question shall have arisen in regard to counting any such votes, or otherwise under this subchapter, in which case it shall be competent for either House, acting separately, in the manner hereinbefore provided, to direct a recess of such House not beyond the next calendar day, Sunday excepted, at the hour of 10 o'clock in the forenoon. But if the counting of the electoral votes and the declaration of the result shall not have been completed before the fifth calendar day next after such first meeting of the two Houses, no further or other recess shall be taken by either House.

Same; limit of debate in each house

§ 17. When the two Houses separate to decide upon an objection that may have been made to the counting of any electoral vote or votes from any State, or other question arising in the matter, each Senator and Representative may speak to such objection or question five minutes, and not more than once; but after such debate shall have lasted two hours it shall be the duty of the presiding officer of each House to put the main question without further debate.

Same; parliamentary procedure at joint meeting

§ 18. While the two Houses shall be in meeting as provided in this chapter, the President of the Senate shall have power to preserve order; and no debate shall be allowed and no question shall be put by the presiding officer except to either House on a motion to withdraw.

Vacancy in offices of both president and vice president; officers eligible to act

§ 19. (a) (1) If, by reason of death, resignation, removal from office, inability, or failure to qualify, there is neither a President nor Vice President to discharge the powers and duties of the office of President, then the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall, upon his resignation as Speaker and as Representative in Congress, act as President.
(2) The same rule shall apply in the case of the death, resignation, removal from office, or inability of an individual acting as President under this subsection.
(b) If, at the time when under subsection (a) of this section a Speaker is to begin the discharge of the powers and duties of the office of President, there is no Speaker, or the Speaker fails to qualify as Acting President, then the President pro tempore of the Senate shall, upon his resignation as President pro tempore and as Senator, act as President.
(c) An individual acting as President under subsection (a) or subsection (b) of this section shall continue to act until the expiration of the then current Presidential term, except that
(1) if his discharge of the powers and duties of the office is founded in whole or in part on the failure of both the President-elect and the Vice-President-elect to qualify, then he shall act only until a President or Vice President qualifies; and
(2) if his discharge of the powers and duties of the office is founded in whole or in part on the inability of the President or Vice President, then he shall act only until the removal of the disability of one of such individuals.
(d) (1) If, by reason of death, resignation, removal from office, inability, or failure to qualify, there is no President pro tempore to act as President under subsection (b) of this section, then the officer of the United States who is highest on the following list, and who is not under disability to discharge the powers and duties of the office of President shall act as President: Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of Defense, Attorney General, Secretary of the Interior, Secretary of Agriculture, Secretary of Commerce, Secretary of Labor, Secretary of Health and Human Services, Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, Secretary of Transportation, Secretary of Energy, Secretary of Education, Secretary of Veterans Affairs.
(2) An individual acting as President under this subsection shall continue so to do until the expiration of the then current Presidential term, but not after a qualified and prior-entitled individual is able to act, except that the removal of the disability of an individual higher on the list contained in paragraph (1) of this subsection or the ability to qualify on the part of an individual higher on such list shall not terminate his service.
(3) The taking of the oath of office by an individual specified in the list in paragraph (1) of this subsection shall be held to constitute his resignation from the office by virtue of the holding of which he qualifies to act as President.
(e) Subsections (a), (b), and (d) of this section shall apply only to such officers as are eligible to the office of President under the Constitution. Subsection (d) of this section shall apply only to officers appointed, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, prior to the time of the death, resignation, removal from office, inability, or failure to qualify, of the President pro tempore, and only to officers not under impeachment by the House of Representatives at the time the powers and duties of the office of President devolve upon them.
(f) During the period that any individual acts as President under this section, his compensation shall be at the rate then provided by law in the case of the President.

Resignation or refusal of office

§ 20. The only evidence of a refusal to accept, or of a resignation of the office of President or Vice President, shall be an instrument in writing, declaring the same, and subscribed by the person refusing to accept or resigning, as the case may be, and delivered into the office of the Secretary of State.

Definitions

§ 21. As used in this chapter the term -
(a) "State" includes the District of Columbia.
(b) "executives of each State" includes the Board of Commissioners * of the District of Columbia.

* The functions of the Board of Commissioners of the District of Columbia are now performed by the Mayor of the District of Columbia. (Reorganization Plan No. 3 of 1967, Section 401, 81 Stat. 948: Pub. L. 93-198, Sections 422 and 711, 87 Stat. 790, 818.)



List of Electors Bound by State Law and Pledges To Political Parties; Number of Electors Per State

(As of 1992)

Source: Congressional Research Service, S. Doc. 102-14, January 1992.

The Office of the Federal Register presents this material for informational purposes only, in response to numerous public inquiries. The list has no legal significance. It is based on information compiled by the Congressional Research Service in 1992. State election laws and procedures may have been amended or re-interpreted since 1992.



Electors in these States are not bound by State Law or by pledges to political parties to cast their vote for a specific candidate:

ARIZONA - 8 Electoral Votes
ARKANSAS - 6 Electoral Votes
DELAWARE - 3 Electoral Votes
GEORGIA - 13 Electoral Votes
IDAHO - 4 Electoral Votes
ILLINOIS - 22 Electoral Votes
INDIANA - 12 Electoral Votes
IOWA - 7 Electoral Votes
KANSAS - 6 Electoral Votes
KENTUCKY - 8 Electoral Votes
LOUISIANA - 9 Electoral Votes
MICHIGAN - 18 Electoral Votes
MINNESOTA - 10 Electoral Votes
MISSOURI - 11 Electoral Votes
MONTANA - 3 Electoral Votes
NEW HAMPSHIRE - 4 Electoral Votes
NEW JERSEY - 15 Electoral Votes
NEW YORK - 33 Electoral Votes
NORTH DAKOTA - 3 Electoral Votes
PENNSYLVANIA - 23 Electoral Votes
RHODE ISLAND - 4 Electoral Votes
SOUTH DAKOTA - 3 Electoral Votes
TEXAS - 32 Electoral Votes
UTAH - 5 Electoral Votes
WEST VIRGINIA - 5 Electoral Votes


Electors in these States are bound by State Law or by pledges to political parties to cast their vote for a specific candidate:

ALABAMA - 9 Electoral Votes
Party Pledge / State Law - § 17-19-2
ALASKA - 3 Electoral Votes
Party Pledge / State Law - § 15.30.020
CALIFORNIA - 54 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 25105
COLORADO - 8 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 1-4-305
CONNECTICUT - 8 Electoral Votes
State Law § 9-175
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA - 3 Electoral Votes
DC Pledge / DC Law - § 1-1312(g)
FLORIDA - 25 Electoral Votes
Party Pledge / State Law - § 103.021
HAWAII - 4 Electoral Votes
State Law - §§ 14-26 to 14-28
MAINE - 4 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 805
MARYLAND - 10 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 20-4
MASSACHUSETTS - 12 Electoral Votes
Party Pledge / State Law - Ch. 53, § 8, Supp.
MISSISSIPPI - 7 Electoral Votes
Party Pledge / State Law - §§ 23-15-771; 23-15-785(3)
NEBRASKA - 5 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 32-548
NEVADA - 4 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 298.050
NEW MEXICO - 5 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 1-15-5 to 1-15-9 (Violation is a fourth degree felony.)
NORTH CAROLINA - 14 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 163-212 (Replacement and $500 fine for violation.)
OHIO - 21 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 3505.40
OKLAHOMA - 8 Electoral Votes
State Law - 26, §§ 10-102; 10-109 (Violation is a misdemeanor, carrying a $500 fine.)
OREGON - 7 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 248.355
SOUTH CAROLINA - 8 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 7-19-80 (Replacement and criminal sanctions for violation.)
TENNESSEE - 11 Electoral Votes
State Law - §§ 2-15-101 to 2-15-105 (Votes for President are bound, votes for Vice President are not.)
VERMONT - 3 Electoral Votes
State Law - title 17, § 2732
*VIRGINIA - 13 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 24.1-162 (Virginia statute appears to be advisory - "Shall be expected" to vote for nominees.)
WASHINGTON - 11 Electoral Votes
Party Pledge / State Law - §§ 29.71.020, 29.71.040, Supp. ($1000 fine.)
WISCONSIN - 11 Electoral Votes
State Law - § 7.75
WYOMING - 3 Electoral Votes
State Law - §§ 22-19-106; 22-19-108


The Electoral College and the National Archives and Records Administration

The 1888 Presidential election was very close. Democratic party candidate President Grover Cleveland and running mate Allen G. Thurman of Ohio won the popular election by 95, 713 votes. President Cleveland, however, was not re-elected because he lost the electoral college vote by 65 votes. Instead Benjamin Harrison, former senator from Indiana and the Grandson of President William Henry Harrison, was elected as the 23rd President of the United States.

Today a President must win 270 electoral votes, a majority, to become President. If no candidate wins a majority of electoral votes, the 12th Amendment to the Constitution provides for Presidential election by the House of Representatives with each state delegation receiving one vote. Twice in our history, the House of Representatives has chosen the President -- Thomas Jefferson's election in 1801 and John Quincy Adam's election in 1825.

The first constitutional crisis occurred when Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr received the same number of electoral votes. Even though they were both Republicans and Jefferson was chosen as the Presidential candidate and Burr as the Vice Presidential candidate, it took the House of Representatives 36 successive ballots to finally elect Thomas Jefferson as President. Twenty-four years later, again no candidate received a 131 vote majority of electoral votes needed to become President. In this case, the House of Representatives voted for John Quincy Adams over Andrew Jackson and William H. Crawford on the first ballot.

These instances in our political history remind us of the important role that the Electoral College plays in electing a President. The majority of our readers know that the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) is the repository for essential evidence that documents the rights of American citizens, the actions of Federal officials and the national experience. A little known function of NARA however, is the administration of the Electoral College by the Office of the Federal Register. As part of the documentation of the rights of American citizens, the Federal Register plays a key role in ensuring that the complicated and sometimes confusing steps in the electoral process are followed exactly,

The Electoral College was devised by the founding fathers as a compromise between the election of a President by popular vote and by the Congress. The College currently consists of 538 electors -- based on the total number of Representatives and Senators, plus three District of Columbia electors. The electors are a popularly elected body chosen by the states and the District of Columbia on the day of the general election, November 5, 1996. The slate of electors for the Presidential candidate who receives the most popular votes is recorded on a Certificate of Ascertainment.

The next step is for the electors in each state to meet to cast their votes. This year the vote will take place on December 16. Certificates of Vote are prepared listing all persons voted for as President and as Vice President and the number of electors voting for each candidate.

NARA plays an important role in educating the states regarding their responsibilities vis a vis the Electoral College. It also ensures the facial sufficiency of the Certificates of Ascertainment and the Certificates of Vote and controls the integrity of the Certificates by limiting the number of people handling the documents. It is responsible for transmitting two of the original Certificates of Ascertainment to the House and Senate and making one original available for public inspection at the Federal Register. Finally, NARA will ensure that all 538 electoral votes are accounted for on the Certificates of Vote and are delivered to the Congress to be unsealed and tallied on January 6, 1997.

After one year the Certificates of Ascertainment and the Certificates of Vote are placed in the permanent custody of NARA where they serve as an enduring testimonial to the strength and resilience of our political system.


[Portrait of Alexander Hamilton]

Federalist No. 68 - The Mode of Electing the President


From the New York Packet
Friday, March 14, 1788.

Author: Alexander Hamilton

To the People of the State of New York:

THE mode of appointment of the Chief Magistrate of the United States is almost the only part of the system, of any consequence, which has escaped without severe censure, or which has received the slightest mark of approbation from its opponents. The most plausible of these, who has appeared in print, has even deigned to admit that the election of the President is pretty well guarded. [1] I venture somewhat further, and hesitate not to affirm, that if the manner of it be not perfect, it is at least excellent. It unites in an eminent degree all the advantages, the union of which was to be wished for.

It was desirable that the sense of the people should operate in the choice of the person to whom so important a trust was to be confided. This end will be answered by committing the right of making it, not to any preestablished body, but to men chosen by the people for the special purpose, and at the particular conjuncture.

It was equally desirable, that the immediate election should be made by men most capable of analyzing the qualities adapted to the station, and acting under circumstances favorable to deliberation, and to a judicious combination of all the reasons and inducements which were proper to govern their choice. A small number of persons, selected by their fellow-citizens from the general mass, will be most likely to possess the information and discernment requisite to such complicated investigations.

It was also peculiarly desirable to afford as little opportunity as possible to tumult and disorder. This evil was not least to be dreaded in the election of a magistrate, who was to have so important an agency in the administration of the government as the President of the United States. But the precautions which have been so happily concerted in the system under consideration, promise an effectual security against this mischief. The choice of SEVERAL, to form an intermediate body of electors, will be much less apt to convulse the community with any extraordinary or violent movements, than the choice of ONE who was himself to be the final object of the public wishes. And as the electors, chosen in each State, are to assemble and vote in the State in which they are chosen, this detached and divided situation will expose them much less to heats and ferments, which might be communicated from them to the people, than if they were all to be convened at one time, in one place.

Nothing was more to be desired than that every practicable obstacle should be opposed to cabal, intrigue, and corruption. These most deadly adversaries of republican government might naturally have been expected to make their approaches from more than one quarter, but chiefly from the desire in foreign powers to gain an improper ascendant in our councils. How could they better gratify this, than by raising a creature of their own to the chief magistracy of the Union? But the convention have guarded against all danger of this sort, with the most provident and judicious attention. They have not made the appointment of the President to depend on any preexisting bodies of men, who might be tampered with beforehand to prostitute their votes; but they have referred it in the first instance to an immediate act of the people of America, to be exerted in the choice of persons for the temporary and sole purpose of making the appointment. And they have excluded from eligibility to this trust, all those who from situation might be suspected of too great devotion to the President in office. No senator, representative, or other person holding a place of trust or profit under the United States, can be of the numbers of the electors. Thus without corrupting the body of the people, the immediate agents in the election will at least enter upon the task free from any sinister bias. Their transient existence, and their detached situation, already taken notice of, afford a satisfactory prospect of their continuing so, to the conclusion of it. The business of corruption, when it is to embrace so considerable a number of men, requires time as well as means. Nor would it be found easy suddenly to embark them, dispersed as they would be over thirteen States, in any combinations founded upon motives, which though they could not properly be denominated corrupt, might yet be of a nature to mislead them from their duty.

Another and no less important desideratum was, that the Executive should be independent for his continuance in office on all but the people themselves. He might otherwise be tempted to sacrifice his duty to his complaisance for those whose favor was necessary to the duration of his official consequence. This advantage will also be secured, by making his re-election to depend on a special body of representatives, deputed by the society for the single purpose of making the important choice.

All these advantages will happily combine in the plan devised by the convention; which is, that the people of each State shall choose a number of persons as electors, equal to the number of senators and representatives of such State in the national government, who shall assemble within the State, and vote for some fit person as President. Their votes, thus given, are to be transmitted to the seat of the national government, and the person who may happen to have a majority of the whole number of votes will be the President. But as a majority of the votes might not always happen to centre in one man, and as it might be unsafe to permit less than a majority to be conclusive, it is provided that, in such a contingency, the House of Representatives shall select out of the candidates who shall have the five highest number of votes, the man who in their opinion may be best qualified for the office.

The process of election affords a moral certainty, that the office of President will never fall to the lot of any man who is not in an eminent degree endowed with the requisite qualifications. Talents for low intrigue, and the little arts of popularity, may alone suffice to elevate a man to the first honors in a single State; but it will require other talents, and a different kind of merit, to establish him in the esteem and confidence of the whole Union, or of so considerable a portion of it as would be necessary to make him a successful candidate for the distinguished office of President of the United States. It will not be too strong to say, that there will be a constant probability of seeing the station filled by characters pre-eminent for ability and virtue. And this will be thought no inconsiderable recommendation of the Constitution, by those who are able to estimate the share which the executive in every government must necessarily have in its good or ill administration. Though we cannot acquiesce in the political heresy of the poet who says: ``For forms of government let fools contest That which is best administered is best,'' yet we may safely pronounce, that the true test of a good government is its aptitude and tendency to produce a good administration.

The Vice-President is to be chosen in the same manner with the President; with this difference, that the Senate is to do, in respect to the former, what is to be done by the House of Representatives, in respect to the latter.

The appointment of an extraordinary person, as Vice-President, has been objected to as superfluous, if not mischievous. It has been alleged, that it would have been preferable to have authorized the Senate to elect out of their own body an officer answering that description. But two considerations seem to justify the ideas of the convention in this respect. One is, that to secure at all times the possibility of a definite resolution of the body, it is necessary that the President should have only a casting vote. And to take the senator of any State from his seat as senator, to place him in that of President of the Senate, would be to exchange, in regard to the State from which he came, a constant for a contingent vote. The other consideration is, that as the Vice-President may occasionally become a substitute for the President, in the supreme executive magistracy, all the reasons which recommend the mode of election prescribed for the one, apply with great if not with equal force to the manner of appointing the other. It is remarkable that in this, as in most other instances, the objection which is made would lie against the constitution of this State. We have a Lieutenant-Governor, chosen by the people at large, who presides in the Senate, and is the constitutional substitute for the Governor, in casualties similar to those which would authorize the Vice-President to exercise the authorities and discharge the duties of the President.

PUBLIUS. 1. Vide FEDERAL FARMER.




News

Report of the National Workshop on Internet Voting: Issues and Research Agenda — March, 2001

UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA STUDENTS VOTE ONLINE — The University of Oklahoma at Norman saw voter participation in its student elections increase 20 percent this year after it introduced a new Web-based voting system. Of the university's 20,000 full-time students, about 35 percent voted over a two-day period in March. Students could vote from their own computers or at university computer labs and polling stations, using their network ID and passwords to log on to the system. The voting system let the students vote only for those offices for which they were eligible to vote and provided real-time vote-counting updates. Results were known as soon as the polls closed. Usually, campus officials said, tallying takes seven to eight hours. The university will make its software available for download, at no cost, next fall. (Chronicle of Higher Education, 4 May 2001) — from the Edupage newsletter, April 30, 2001

A number of newspapers recounted the Florida ballots. Bush would have won if the 2 most widely used standards were used to recount the ballots. Gore would have won if more liberal standards were used. (http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/ap/20010511/ts/media_ballot_review.html) Electronic voting would eliminate arbitrary standards. Either a vote would be registered or it wouldn't, and the voter could review her votes right away, to verify that the machine accurately recorded them.

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